kyuka eyakole

ddwa mu ntambula ya bbaasi ereese obwezi

goolo mu basaabaze

By Eria Luyimbazi

Added 13th December 2016

Abamu ku basaabaze nga balwanira bbaasi

EKIRAGIRO ky’okusengula bbaasi ezimu okuva mu paaka ya Qualicel ey’omugagga Drake Lubega ereetedde abasaabaze abamu okubuzibwabuzibwa ne babulako entambula okugenda gye balaga.

 Kino kyadiridde  akakiiko akavunanyizibwa ku by’entambula

 n’okuwa bbaasi layisinsi Transport Licensing Board (TLB)  okuyisa ekiragiro egiggya bbaasi ezikwata mu bugwanjuba

 n’obukikakono mu paaka ya Qualicell  ne balekamu ezidda mu buvanjuba.

Embeera eno ereetedde paaka ya Qualicell okusigalamu kampuni za bbaasi nnya zokka okuli YY Coaches, Gateway, Kampala Hopper, Teso Coach  ne Kakise  okuba nga zezitikiramu

 abasaabaze ng’endala zalagiddwa okugenda mu paaka ya Namayiba ne Kisenyi Bus Terminal.

Nathan Ssemujju  akolera mu kkampuni ya YY agambye nti ekiragiro kino kikosezza nnyo abali mu mulimu gw’okusaabaza abantu mu mu kiseera kino bangi bakonkomalidde mu paaka tebalina mmotoka zibatwala kuba ezisinga zigyiddwa mu paaka.

“ Ekiragiro ekyayisiddwa  nga kiggya bbaasi ezemu mu paaka ya Qualicell kitumenya kuba kati paaka nkalu nga temuli mmotoka zitwala basaabaze era eziriwo bali mu kuzirwanira tusaba abaakiyisizza bakikyuseemu” Ssemujju bwe bwategeezezza.

Agambye nti mu paaka ya Qualicell musigaddemu baasi 32 zokka songa luli mubaddemu ezisoba mu 150 nga abasAabaze bali mu kutataganyizibwa

  ekisusse nga kyetagisa okukomyawo baasi ezimu.


December 14, 2016


Health experts from across Africa have expressed dismay at the failure by Uganda’s government to stem the tide of skilled health workers leaving the country for greener pastures.

They voiced their disappointment during the third Congress of the African Health System Governance network (ASHGOVNET) in Kampala last week. The congress was held under the theme,“Fostering capacity for health governance and leadership with a focus upon health work development.”

The health experts argue that if the current hemorrhage of the country’s workforce continues unchecked, it will be extremely difficult for Uganda to fulfill its commitment to regional and global Human Resources protocols such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) Workforce 2030 Global Strategy on Human Resources for Health to which Uganda subscribes.

A normal medical surgical theatre on the continent of Africa.

“It is disappointing that officials at Uganda’s ministry of Health (MOH) evaded all our efforts to discuss the extent of the problem of medical brain drain in this country and the possible measures to bring it under control,” said Dr Patrick Kadama, the executive director of the African Platform on Human Resources for Health (APHRH), an NGO committed to the fight against brain drain on the African continent.

Uganda subscribes to the road map for scaling up human resources for health for improved health service delivery in the African region 2012-2025, which was adopted by African health ministers three years ago in Angola. But experts say the evident apathy towards brain drain means health improvement targets are unlikely to be met.

“No one seems to care when health workers exit this country. When you express worry about the problem to MOH officials, they tell you there is a capacity to replace those who have migrated, when it is actually not true,” said the president of the Uganda National Academy of Sciences, Dr Nelson Sewankambo.

A Self-Styled African Spritual leader from the Tribal State of Acholi, Uganda, is a fake:


Mr Severino Lukoya walks out of Gulu Central Police Station last year after briefly being detained following the death of a child at his temple.

Posted 5 February, 2017



From casting himself as the untouchable almighty god (Lubanga Won) in late 1980s, it now required the intervention of an earthly police force in Agago District to save the father of late Holy Spirit Movement leader Alice Auma Lakwena from an angry mob.

The mob accused Mr Severino Lukoya Kibero, a self-proclaimed prophet, of preaching what they termed as false prophesies in their area and wanted to lynch him.

Mr Lukoya had travelled with his team of ministers to Kalongo Town Council to conduct door-to-door prayers, claiming that God had sent him to cleanse the area. Mr Lukoya is the leader of the New Jerusalem Tabernacle Church in Gulu Municipality where he preaches a mixture of Acholi traditional religion, Christianity and Islam.

It’s reported that before Mr Lukoya could embark on ‘redeeming’ prayer sessions, hundreds of angry residents confronted him and he was only rescued by the police who whisked him away to safety in neighbouring Pader District, several miles away.

Mr Albert Onyango, the Agago District police commander said: “Residents hate him because of the past rebellion his daughter led. They also believe Lukoya is a cult leader whose presence brings bad omen.”

Mr Onyango said Mr Lukoya’s activities in Agago District were in violation of a district council resolution that barred setting up of any prayer shrines.

“I think it is time Lukoya realised that he is not wanted in the district. This is the fourth time in less than two years that people are attempting to kill him,” Mr Onyango said.

Earlier last week, Mr Lukoya had told Sunday Monitor in an interview that God had called him out to walk on foot and do a door-to-door preaching until he covers the entire country.

“God wants peace to prevail in Uganda. He wants everyone to accept His word,” Lukoya said.

This is not the first time Lukoya’s activities are being stopped by residents and district leaders in Acholi sub-region for fear that his preaching could brainwash young people into another rebellion.

After the defeat of Lakwena, Mr Lukoya launched another Holy Spirit Movement in Acholiland. But unlike Lakwena, Mr Lukoya didn’t attract the same big following as his daughter. He surrendered to the government in 1989, but has continued to re re-emerge from time to time.

In August 2011, Mr Lukoya and his followers survived death when residents hurled stones at them injuring him and his followers in Mucwini Kitgum District. In March 2015, police in Gulu District arrested Mr Lukoya over an illegal assembly after he and his church members stormed Gulu Town and disrupted traffic and businesses.

In August 2014, authorities in Kitgum District demolished Lukoya’s temple after complaints that a paralysed man had died while being prayed for there.

In 2008, Mr Lukoya was arrested on accusation that he wanted to revive his daughter’s Holy Spirit Movement rebel outfit. But the High Court acquitted him and awarded him Shs13 million in damages for malicious arrest.




Posted on 6th February, 2017

The Parliament of Uganda continues to chase its tail over the number of years a President should rule the country:

Term limits are back in parliament just after removing the age limit a president should end to rule this country:

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

Deputy speaker of parliament Jacob Oulanyah

Deputy speaker of parliament Jacob Oulanyah


The ruling NRM is faced with another unattractive parliamentary battle; the reintroduction of the two-term presidential limits as part of an opposition push for elaborate electoral reforms ahead of the 2021 general election.

The reforms carried in The Constitutional (Amendment) Bill 2019 are pushed by Ndorwa East MP Wilfred Niwagaba and, got the much-needed parliamentary nod of approval last week hardly two years after the NRM-dominated parliament lifted the constitutional lower 35 and upper 75-year presidential age caps in December 2017.


Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi’s promoted age-limit bill cleared the last hurdle for President Museveni’s re-election in 2021 when he officially turns 75 years of age. Both the Attorney General William Byaruhanga and his deputy Mwesigwa Rukutana were not in parliament last week when deputy speaker Jacob Oulanyah opened up debate on Niwabaga’s motion seeking parliament permission to table his bill.

Finance Minister Matia Kasaija was a lone wolf. He tried but failed to kill the motion supported by an army of opposition legal minds in the House. Kasaija argued unsuccessfully for debate to be pushed to this week when either Byaruhanga or Rukutana would be in the House to defend government but Oulanyah didn’t budge.

“When I ruled [on August 29], I was clear; I said at the next sitting of parliament, this issue will be handled, that is why it is on the order paper. There is nothing new; it is a motion for leave, which has been with us for eight months. Both the attorney general and his deputy know the importance of the matter but they are both not here, after eight months, there is no excuse to delay this matter any longer,” Oulanyah said.


In his August 29 ruling, Oulanyah shot down government’s objections to the motion, especially arguments advanced earlier by Rukutana that the bill contradicted Article 93 of the Constitution and Rule 123 of the Parliamentary Rules of Procedure, which restrict private members from introducing bills that could have financial implications.

At the moment, Oulanyah argued, parliament was dealing with a motion to introduce a bill. Niwagaba’s bill has been on the shelves since January when he filed a notice of motion but met stiff resistance from government.


Then, Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Maj Gen Kahinda Otafiire told parliament that Niwagaba’s bill was unnecessary since the reforms being proposed by the shadow attorney general were part of the issues government intended to handle through the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC).

Speaker Rebecca Kadaga then gave Otafiire up to the end of April to table the reforms. The three months’ ultimatum passed without Museveni approving the list of nominees to the commission forwarded by Otafiire and no bill had been tabled in parliament.

When Byaruhanga on June 26 tabled five bills, Kadaga alerted Niwagaba to dust his motion and table it to give parliament an opportunity to comprehensively handle the various reforms that government has been ignoring since 2014.

This sent the government strategists back to the drawing board to plot another move to block the bill. (See: Govt moves to block opposition reforms, The Observer, August 7.)


Because the bill has proposals that are intended to clip Museveni’s powers as president, government will most likely go out of its way to kill it at the next stage.


While it was easy for government to give Magyezi the certificate of financial implication to back up what came to be popularly known as the age limit bill, the story will be different for Niwagaba.

Once his bill is published in the government gazette as required under Article 93, Niwagaba must get a certificate of financial implication before proceeding to table his bill in parliament for the first reading.

“Seeing how the government has been objecting to it, I don’t have any illusion that it will be a smooth ride for me to get a certificate of financial implication, but, I will do what the law requires me to do to get it,” Niwagaba told The Observer on Tuesday.

Under Rule 117 of parliament’s Rules of Procedure, Niwagaba is supposed to pick his bill’s certificate of financial implication from Kasaija. Should Kasaija refuse to issue the certificate, parliament will proceed under Rule 117(4) to process the bill.

“They [government] no longer have that so much power to refuse to issue the certificate; where it is denied without a valid reason, the speaker can allow the member to proceed with the bill. Government must have a justification, which they have to explain on the floor,” said opposition MP Mathias Mpuuga (Masaka Municipality).

Rule 117(4) states that a certificate of financial implication shall be deemed to have been issued after 60 days from the date of request for the certificate. Interviewed on Tuesday, Otafiire said, “I have been out of the country, I haven’t seen the bill.”

But Information minister Frank Tumwebaze said in a separate interview that government will give its views after an internal discussion.

“It will be discussed on merit. We are going to discuss it as government and give our views,” Tumwebaze said.

Key among Niwagaba’s proposals is locking out the president in the appointment of the chairperson and commissioners of the Electoral Commission under Article 60. He suggests the appointments should be made by the Judicial Service Commission.

He also proposes to amend Chapter Seven of the Constitution specifically Articles 99 (2) and 100 to replace the office of Vice President with the office of Deputy President plus Article 103 (2) to require every candidate in a presidential election to nominate a person who is qualified for election as president, as a candidate for deputy president.

He also proposes an amendment to Article 104 to allow any voter or political party or organization to challenge the outcome of a presidential election in addition to an aggrieved candidate.

He also wants to reintroduce Article 105(2) reinstating the two-term limits for a president.



Of course reinstating the two term limits must state that those presidential candidates who have already completed a two term limit of presidential rule or a four term limit rule before this rule must not stand in the future time of this bill if it becomes law.

Such a simple logic of law should not need this parliament to demand money from the suffering Uganda taxpayer.


keremire Quoting kabayekka:

Of course reinstating the two term limits must state that those presidential candidates who have already completed a two term limit of presidential rule or a four term limit rule before this rule must no stand in the future time of this bill if it becomes law. ......

No. New laws are not applied retrospectively. That is a basic principle in law that must be respected.


Indeed thank you keremire for your reminder. The law is an ass. To look at things as they have happened in the past is what the 4th or 5th National Constitution of Uganda is all about. What one believes is that the next rule(Post M7) of this country is likely to dumb this current man made constitution in the dust bin. It is of what one believes is God and that is Supreme. Many Germany citizens during the 1930/45 believed and respected in the Supremacy of Heil Hitler at their own peril.








In Uganda, the approaching Presidential Age limit jurisdictive ruling is going to be some sort of a litmus test for Uganda courts:


Constitutional Court judges Cheborion Barishaki, Remmy Kasule

Left to right: Constitutional Court judges Cheborion Barishaki, Remmy Kasule, Deputy Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, Kenneth Kakuru and Elizabeth Musoke at the hearing of the age limit case in Mbale District recently. File photo  

By a Uganda Monitor Correspondent

The fate of the five-month Constitution Amendment Act, which removed age limits on the presidency and sought to extend the term of parliament and government by another two years awaits a decision by the Constitutional Court, which spent two weeks hearing the petition.

The petitioners challenged the constitutionality of the Act passed last December amid drama that included a raid by security operatives who evicted mainly opposition MPs from parliament.

The Act extended the mandate of parliament by another two years, removed an age cap that would have barred President Yoweri Museveni from seeking re-election after his current term expires in 2021 and extended the time for filing and disposing of a petition challenging the outcome of a presidential election among other things.

But, the verdict, whichever way it goes, will be a test not just on the law but on the five judges of the Constitutional Court.

They are Justice Alfred Owiny Dollo, who was appointed deputy Chief Justice only last year, judges Kenneth Kakuru, Remmy Kasule, Cheborion Barishaki and Elizabeth Musoke.

All, but one of the five judges, are facing their first major constitutional case and their decision will determine whether President Museveni, who has been in power for over 30 years, can seek re-election in 2021.

Critical choices

The Justices have three critical choices and each will come with its own issues: They could dismiss the petition on the basis that it lacks merit or fail it on technical grounds.

They could accept the petition and quash the law in its entirety or they could opt to accept some aspects of the petition and dismiss others.

Whatever the decision, the losing party is expected to appeal it. And why not, given that an appeal would have an impact on other scheduled constitutional activities like the referendum, which would affirm the term extension for the presidency and the general election in 2021.

For the government, an initial win would provide the critical window to push through critical activities aimed at defeating any final verdict.

A similar situation was witnessed in the early 2000s when the law that cleared a referendum on political parties was nullified for lack of quorum, but the final verdict was determined after a new law had been crafted and the referendum held.

Another potential conundrum is the ruling lacking a unanimous decision or split decision on all or parts of the petition.

Whatever the decision, the judges will face criticism and praise in equal measure.

Of the five, only Justice Kasule has dealt with a contentious constitutional matter when he gave a minority opinion in a petition involving the ruling National Resistance Movement party and four of its members famously known as “rebel” MPs.

His dissenting opinion in the 2014 case — where NRM had expelled MPs Wilfred Niwagaba, Barnabas Tinkasimire, Theodore Sekikubo and Mohammad Nsereko and wanted them thrown out of parliament — was later to carry the day on appeal to the Supreme Court.

Judge Kasule ruled that the MPs could not be expelled because their disagreement with their party and their subsequent expulsion by NRM on whose ticket they were elected to parliament made them involuntary independents. This therefore did not amount to a crossing of the isle, which would have led to them automatically losing their seats.

The decision by the Constitutional Court will re-set the political dynamics of the country no matter the final outcome.

“The court itself is as much a hostage as the case, the petitioners and the citizens,” said Busingye Kabumba, a constitutional lawyer and lecturer at Makerere University School of law.

“In my view, the fundamental challenge is the resolution of the deep political crisis in the country. The ultimate liberation of the court itself can only be realised in the context of the resolution of that broader crisis,” he said.

Elison Karuhanga, a lawyer who was also part of President Museveni’s legal team in the 2016 Supreme Court challenge to his re-election by rival Amama Mbabazi, described the Mbale Constitutional Court hearing as a “laboratory for constitutional jurisprudence,” which provides an opportunity “to deepen and broaden” the role of courts in settling political disputes.

While avoiding to speculate on the outcome, Mr Karuhanga said that whatever the verdict, it will have a huge impact on the nexus between courts and politics.

He said that even though this case is important, Ugandan courts have already come a long way in building constitutional jurisprudence, which has contributed significantly to political dispute resolution as the country moves away from violence as the decider of political winners and losers.

According to Crispin Kaheru, the co-ordinator for Citizens Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda, the environment rather than the verdict is the most critical matter for Ugandans as they await the judgment.

“I think our democracy is being slowly chipped away and that is why the Mbale judgment is very important, whichever way it goes,” said Mr Kaheru.

“The decision is going to be made in an environment where there is little public confidence in public institutions including courts of law; in a context of an overbearing executive; and in a setting where courts have ruled in a given pattern with respect to cases of high political interest such as this one. The bench has good objective minds, but is the environment permissive for them to invoke their wisdom and judgment independently?” he said adding, “I do not expect anything ‘out of the ordinary” from Mbale.”

After closing arguments two weeks ago, the Constitutional Court promised to deliver its verdict on notice.






The Vice President of Uganda, Mr Ssekandi is in Brazzaville for  talks on the way forward for peace and not civil wars for African countries on the continent of Africa:

What of this Gentleman's own country?


By Vision Reporter


Added 18th October 2017 


The meeting that opens on Thursday is based on the 2013 framework agreement established to support the ongoing regional efforts to achieve peace and stability in the DRC and the region in general.


Ssekandi 703x422

Vice President of Uganda, Mr Ssekandi.


The Vice-President Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi is in the Congolese Capital of Brazzaville where he joins other African leaders from the great lakes region to discuss peace and security in the region.


The Brazzaville meeting code named the High Level meeting of Regional Oversight Mechanism of peace, security and cooperation framework for the Democratic Republic of Congo and the region will be the 8th in series.    


The meeting that opens on Thursday is based on the 2013 framework agreement established to support the ongoing regional efforts to achieve peace and stability in the DRC and the region in general.


The AU, International Conference on Great Lakes Region(ICGLR), the South African Development Community (SADC) and the UN are guarantors of the initiative while member states including Angola, Burundi, CAR, Congo Republic, DRC, Kenya, South Sudan, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda are signatories. 


The meeting will among other things take stock of earlier commitments and consider additional measures aimed accelerating neutralisation and pacification of the Eastern DRC and addressing the sticky issue of resettlement of the former combatants.


Ssekandi who is leading the Government delegation to Brazzaville earlier, met with the AU Vice-Chairperson, Thomas Kwesi in Addis Ababa on his way to Congo with whom they discussed the situation in Somalia.

The Vice-President is being accompanied to the meeting by foreign affairs minister Sam Kutesa, defence minister Adolf Mwesigye and several senior technical government officials. 



The Regional efforts to achieve peace and stability in all the regions on the continent of Africa have failed. When one looks at the blood letting in Somalia and the failure of democratic elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. What is worse about such failures are these very African countries and their governments. 

Many Africans want to blame their leaders who have taken on the responsibilty of stopping civil wars as only an African problem needing an African solution. Surely these  African problems require all the International Communities to come forward and to put up joint efforts to stop this African suffering. Africans are also human beings represented foremost in the United Nations than the African Union.

The African Unity troops must leave these countries in strife since they have failed to stop the blood letting for example in Somalia, and the Sudan. They cannot be seen exporting their own brand of inadequate democratic rule in other African territories.

The so called African democratic countries which are trying to bring peace and sanity to Somalia, Sudan, and DRC are involved in destabilizing their own respective home countries. They are every day detaining the opposition and using military police to stop free speech and a peaceful transition of political leadership in their own backyard. In some of these countries the Military Police is trigger happy arresting women and children and shooting them point blank with live bullets.

This whole African Union political charade in Somalia, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo is like years ago when former tyrant Saddam Hussein of Iraq was trying to liberate Kuwait.




African leaders cannot afford to abandon the International Criminal Court as these same so called leaders continuously incite civil wars and horrible atrocities in their governance of this massive continent:

 Mr  Adama Dieng

Posted  Monday, February 6   2017 




The Rome Statute that establishes the Court is a global achievement, and its practices are evolving. However, the Court must be prepared and willing to listen to the concerns of those it intends to serve.


To have done so would have presented an opportunity to have an open and frank dialogue, and discuss how to make the Court a better institution, one that is capable of responding effectively to the challenges it was established to address.

With the ongoing atrocities in Syria, Yemen, Iraq, South Sudan and elsewhere, this is not the right time to abandon the Court.

Adama Dieng is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General/Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and former registrar for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.



All City waste from the Land locked International city of Kampala goes directly into the inland Fresh water lake. Geographycally well known world wide as the Victoria Lake or the Nalubaale, this lake will soon have no drinking water:

Nobel cause. NWSC board chairman Christopher Ebal (centre) cleans Ggaba Landing Site with members of Young Water Professionals during World Water Day commemoration yesterday. PHOTO BY STEPHEN OTAGE 

EAST AFRICA,UGANDA, KAMPALA. National Water and Sewerage Corporation (NWSC) has asked government to take urgent measures to stop the high rate of waste matter disposal into Lake Victoria to minimise costs of water treatment and improve the quality of water drawn from the fresh water lake.

Speaking at celebrations to mark the International Water Day yesterday, Mr Christopher Ebal, the NWSC board chairman, said despite measures the corporation has adopted to extend its intake pipes deeper into the lake with the hope of drawing cleaner water, the quality of water drawn is continually deteriorating with NWSC incurring more costs in water treatment to make it clean and safe for consumption.

“The work of National Environment Management Authority (Nema) is to ensure that the water going into Lake Victoria is clean and not contaminated; but it is costing us a lot of money to treat water and this is unacceptable,” Mr Ebal said, adding that they will take up the issue with Nema.

Mr Ebal’s response followed concerns raised by the residents of Ggaba landing site, who complained about the alarming rate at which rain water is washing solid waste and pouring effluent into the lake following the degradation of wetlands which previously filtered waste matter in the water that poured into the lake.

“When it rains, the garbage comes direct through the market to the lake, it comes with the bad hygiene from the toilets. I have talked to the Ministry of Works and the [Makindye Division] town clerk and they have failed to respond,” Francis Sabiti Katuramu, the chairman of Ggaba market, in Kampala suburb, said. He said even the swamps that used to filter the water before it ends in the lake, have been demolished.

Mr Robert Kiwagira Sebiina, the chairman of Ggaba Mission, said he previously proposed to Mr John Nasasira, the former minister for Transport and Works, to create drainage channels to redirect rain water into the remaining swamps to reduce the rate of pollution in Lake Victoria but the minister then said there was no money. Mr Sebiina said the situation has since worsened.

Yesterday as the world marked the International Water Day, NWSC joined in the commemoration with its Young Water Professionals and planted trees in the remaining swamp surrounding the Ggaba waterworks.

Mr John Fisher Sekabira, the secretary general of Young Water professionals, said they decided to plant trees around the swamps surrounding the Ggaba waterworks in order to protect it from encroachment because most of the wetland has been destroyed by encroachers.


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