Shafik Ahmad, yafuumuddwa gavumenti ya America  n’emutikka ku nnyonyi n’emusuula mu Uganda  oluvannyuma lw’ebiwandiiko bye ebimubeeza mu Amerika okuggwaako ng’akawandiiko kokka akalaga ensibuko ye ke k'ebbaluwa y'obuzaaale eraga nti yazaalibwa mu Uganda wadde nga bazadde be Bapakisitaani.

 

Kyokka wadde yazaalibwa mu Uganda, omusajja ono ow’emyaka 57 ensi eno yagimalamu emyezi mukaaga gyokka  bazadde be okwali  kitaawe eyali omusomesa mu ssomero lya Agakhan mu Kampala ne basenguka ne bagenda naye e Nigeria gye yasomera n’afuna diguli  mu busawo era nayo ne basengukayo ne bagenda mu Amerika gy’abadde abeera okuva mu myaka gy’ekinaana okutuuka lwe bamugobyeyo.

Mu Amerika yagendayo ng’akozesa paasipooti ya Parkistan kati eyaweddeko n’atasigaza kawandiiko konna kamusobozesa kubeerayo kuba ne kaadi y’obutuuze bwayo (Green card) eyamuweebwa yaggwaako.

 

Omusajja ono enzaalwa ya Uganda atalina  ndagamuntu  ya wano yawandiise ebbaluwa eri Pulezidenti Museveni ng’ayita ku kasimu ke ng’asinziira mu kaduukulu mwe yabadde n’agamba nti ayagala Pulezidenti amukkirize okubeera wano akole emirimu gye kuba musawo asobola okujjanjaba abantu n’okusinga Abacuba.

" Nafuumuddwa ne nsuulibwa wano olw’ebbaluwa y’obuzaale eraga nti banzaalira Mengo. Ekitebe kya Uganda mu America kye kyampadde ebiwandiiko ebyantuusizza wano  kyokka ngezaako okusaba obutuuze bwa wano naye nnemeseddwa olw’okuba ekitebe kya Amerika mu Uganda kigamba nti Uganda  nayo engobe ntwalibwe e Pakistan eri bazadde bange,’’ Ahmad bwe yategeezezza.

Yagambye nti Abasiraamu Abayindi n’Abapakisitaani ababeera mu Uganda  beetegefu okumulabirira singa ateebwa.

Agamba nti mu Amerika yafunayo omukazi Kris mu 1996 ne bazaala omwana Zaid mu 1999.

Wabula baayawukana mu kkooti mu mwaka gwa 2005 n’afuna omukazi omulala Tiffany Macey naye gwe baayawukana naye ng’amuloopye mu b’obuyinza nti yagezaako okutemula mukazi we eyasooka Kris ekitali kituufu.

Oluvannyuma omusajja agamba nti  yakizuula nti omukazi ow’okubiri gwe yafuna baali ba mukwano n’eyasooka era n'olukwe baapanga lupange okumusuula.

Bwe yatwalibwa mu kkomera  mu 2009, yasibwa emyaka musanvu era olwaweddeko n’atikkibwa ku nnyonyi n’asuulibwa mu Uganda.

Agamba nti agezezzaako okufuuka omunoonyi w’obubudamu oba okusaba wano obutuuze kyokka bikyagaanyi.

Omwogezi wa Minisitule y’ensonga z’omunda, Jacob Shems Siminyu yategeezezza bannamawulire nti  balina obukakafu nti Ahmad ssi Munnayuganda era boogeraganya ne gavumenti ya Amerika balabe eky’okumukolera okuli n’eky’omuzaayo gye yavudde.

Nb

America etabuse luno. Ezayo abagenyi bayo ababuli nsi yonna. Ate ye number emu bweti ensi eno etambuza abatuuze bayo mu buli nsi yonna eri wansi wo mwezi no musana. Nga no ne kumwezi ne kumunyenye eya Mars nayo etambulirayo kyeere. Mutawana munene nyo nti etandise nokugaba ebibuga ebisanidde okuba ebikulu munsi zeyagala nga Palastine ne Korea! Kyakabi nyo nga bajjajja baffe bwebalamula. Omugagga si muntu, bwayoya ekibumba atta nte yonna.

In Uganda, the lack of self-help projects in African engineering and science in the African communities, is soon causing a tragedy on Arua hanging bridge:

Poor state. Residents cross the Aji Bridge in Upper Madi Okollo County, Arua District. PHOTO BY FELIX WAROM OKELLO 

15 February, 2018

The Kenyan Prominent politician, Mr Raila Odinga, has sent out invitation cards to the delegates, so that he can swear to the leadership of his African followers on December 12th 2017: 

2 December, 2017

 

By MOSES ODHIAMBO

 

Indeed what creates an African nation state? Is it done by conquest and release by colonial powers or by the memorandum of understanding of natives of those particular territories?

The United States of America politicians are skeptical over the growing military presence in Africa that is so secretive to the Good Christian American public:

 

An American snipper on the continent of Africa. US politicians are voicing concern over America's growing military presence across Africa, where they worry the Pentagon is getting ever more embroiled in a secretive campaign against a shifting enemy. AFP PHOTO 

The whole of this colonial American adventurism in Africa comes back to what the British were all about building a World Great Britain Empire. America helped creat the International Islamic Resistance Movement of Al-Qaeda.

One would wake up in daylight to listen to broadcastings calling jehadist fighters all the way from Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to go to Afaghanistan and fight off the Nasty Communists that had taken over that country!

What American troops are doing in Africa is to cause more trouble for the Africans to stay poor, everyday to keep fighting endless civil wars, assisting democracy of Pre-determined leaders to continously rule Africa, to send away as many young Africans from their mother countries and make them modern media international refugees of the other worlds, and so on and so forth. This list is endless for any human of child age to see and understand.

It is not just Niger or Somalia- The North American country is in  militarly occupation in most countries on the African Continent:

And the United Nation does not want to know at all:

27 October, 2017

By Nick Turse

THE MISSION NEVER made the front page of the New York Times or the Washington Post. It wasn’t covered on CNN or Fox News. Neither the White House chief of staff, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, nor the president ever addressed it in a press briefing. But from mid-January to late March 2013, Green Berets from the 10th Special Forces Group deployed to the impoverished West African nation of Niger. Working alongside local forces, they trained in desert mobility, the use of heavy weapons, and methods of deliberate attack.

On May 15 of that year, another contingent of Special Forces soldiers arrived in Niger. For nearly two months, they also trained with local troops, focusing on similar combat skills with an emphasis on missions in remote areas. From the beginning of August until mid-September, yet another group of Green Berets traveled to the hot, arid country for training, concentrating on desert operations, heavy weapons employment, intelligence analysis, and other martial matters, according to Pentagon documents obtained by The Intercept via the Freedom of Information Act.

One constant of all of these counterterrorism missions, which were carried out by small teams of elite U.S. troops operating alongside Nigerien forces, was a concentration on reconnaissance. Until recently, such missions were conducted without notice or media scrutiny. Americans were involved in firefights, but the operations were kept quiet. When special operators died in Africa, it was due to an accident or after a night of partying. Americans were rarely killed in combat.

Four years later, on October 3, 12 Green Berets undertook a “reconnaissance mission” alongside 30 Nigerien soldiers near the village of Tongo Tongo, about 85 kilometers north of the capital city of Niamey, according to the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Joseph Dunford. (Some reports indicate it had morphed into a “kill-or-capture” mission aimed at a high-value target with ties to both Al Qaeda and the Islamic State.)

Map: The Intercept

The next day, as the joint force was moving south “en route to their operating base, the patrol came under attack from approximately 50 enemy using small-arms fire, rocket-propelled grenades, and technical vehicles,” explained Dunford. Four Green Berets were killed and two wounded in the ambush, which also claimed the lives of five Nigerien soldiers.

In truth, U.S. forces are already deployed all across Africa by the thousands. Around 6,000 troops are on the continent, conducting 3,500 exercises, programs, and engagements each year – almost 10 missions each day — from Cameroon to Somalia, Djibouti to Libya. More than 800 of these forces, Pentagon spokesperson Maj. Audricia Harris told The Intercept, are deployed to Niger. This is up from approximately 100 troops sent in 2013 to carry out drone reconnaissance missions, making the hardscrabble country, wedged between seven nations, including Mali, Libya, Nigeria, and Chad, the largest concentration of U.S. military forces in West Africa.

“The rapid, largely unrecognized increase in U.S. troops in Niger is part of the large expansion of the U.S. military footprint in Africa,” says William Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International Policy. “This expansion is long overdue for congressional scrutiny and public discussion.” U.S. efforts, primarily focused on training allies and proxies, are flawed, often ineffective, and can have destabilizing effects on countries that military operations are meant to strengthen, according to experts. Cast as benign training operations, they can lead to unforeseen consequences and dangerous blowback. “While the Pentagon likes to downplay the military aspects of these missions, in a number of instances, they have involved acts of war that risk getting the U.S. involved in broader conflicts, even as they have had little impact on the spread of terrorism,” Hartung notes.

While 800-plus troops are in Niger today, many more soldiers rotated through the country as U.S. forces have been, according to Dunford, carrying out intermittent missions for 20 years.

IN 2002, THE U.S. launched a counterterrorism program — known as the Pan Sahel Initiative, which later became the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership — to assist the militaries of Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger before expanding to include six additional nations nearby. Between 2009 and 2013 alone, the U.S. allocated $288 million in TSCTP funding, according to a 2014 report by the Government Accountability Office. Niger netted more than $30 million. Neighboring Mali held the top spot at $40.6 million.

These programs saw U.S. troops deployed again and again to carry out advisory and “train and equip missions,” as well as mentorship programs designed to increase local anti-terrorism capabilities, encourage local populations to cooperate with military forces, and build the military capacity of those soldiers to enable them to “Find, Fix, and Finish” militant groups, according to a 2014 State Department analysis of the TSCTP obtained by The Intercept, via the FOIA.

A U.S. Army Special Forces weapons sergeant observes a Niger Army soldier during marksmanship training as part of Exercise Flintlock 2017 in Diffa, Niger, on Feb. 28, 2017.

By 2011, U.S. Africa Command’s efforts in Niger and Mali included a host of training programs, such as the employment of Civil-Military Support Elements, Joint Planning and Assistance Teams, and Senior Leader Engagements, as well as Mobile Training Teams – a program in which U.S. troops provide instruction on using and maintaining weapons and other equipment.

The United States also employed a host of other episodic training programs, including the African Crisis Response Initiative, African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance, International Military Education and Training, Counterterrorism Fellowship Program, Global Peace Operations Initiative, and Joint Combined Exchange Training. Most of the military instruction was carried out by Green Berets. In a Naval Postgraduate School thesis, Maj. Simon Powelson, who was was involved in 10th Special Forces Group training operations, wrote, “These efforts did not result in a measurable increase in the overall effectiveness of the Malian army (or of individual units for that matter). Training that was episodically provided rarely diffused or even took hold.”

Similar efforts were undertaken in Niger, where, since 2006, the Defense Department has provided approximately $165 million in counterterrorism equipment and training, the second-highest total in all of Africa, according to the Congressional Research Service. But the results have been similar to those in Mali, says Michael Shurkin, a senior political scientist at the RAND Corporation, who has written extensively on bothcountries. “What U.S. troops were doing in Niger is pretty much what we’ve been doing in the region since 2003,” he said.  “Everything we’ve been doing certainly hasn’t amounted to much because everything has gotten worse. None of it is really effective.”

Rebecca Zimmerman, a national security and foreign policy researcher at the RAND Corporation, warns of grave consequences when poor, fragile states are inundated with counterterrorism training and equipment. Such efforts can, she says, create a culture of dependency, increase corruption, and create power imbalances between the armed forces and often weak civilian governments. “In countries where there is inadequate civilian control of the military, this is a particular risk,” she said.

In fact, TSCTP member-state Chad saw attempted coups in 2006 and 2013; members of Mauritania’s military overthrew the government in 2005 and again in 2008; a military junta overthrew Niger’s president in 2010; and a U.S.-trained military officer, Amadou Sanogo, toppled the democratically elected president of Mali in 2012. “The role of a U.S.-trained officer in overthrowing the government of Mali is yet another case of arms and training programs backfiring and creating a more chaotic environment in which terrorist organizations can grow,” Hartung told The Intercept.

Schooled in the U.S. through a variety of military training initiatives, Sanogo and his clique were upset at his government’s inadequate response to an insurgency in Mali’s north. As the U.S.-backed war in Libya was helping to topple Moammar Gadhafi, nomadic Tuareg fighters in the Libyan dictator’s service looted his regime’s weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to carve out a homeland.

Soon, however, Islamist militants pushed out the Tuaregs, took over much of the north, instituted a harsh brand of Sharia law, and created a humanitarian crisis that displaced hundreds of thousands. But Sanogo’s junta proved no more militarily effective than the government he overthrew. “The coup made everything a lot worse. The coup didn’t yield a strongman. The coup yielded nothing, just vacancy,” said Shurkin. In 2013, with Islamist militants besting Sanogo’s military, a U.S.-backedFrench and multinational regional force intervened to prevent a takeover of the country. Since then, Mali has been mired in an intractable insurgency and militant groups have thrived in the vacuum.

In fact, the entire region, relatively free of transnational terror threats in 2001, is now beset by a host of militant groups. They include, according to the Defense Department’s Africa Center for Strategic Studies, the local branch of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Al Mourabitoun, Ansar Dine, and the Macina Liberation Front, which now all operate under the mantle of Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, as well as Boko Haram, the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa, Ansaroul Islam, and the Islamic State in West Africa (or Wil?yat Gharb Ifr?q?yyah). And it was reportedly members of a newer group operating out of Mali’s restive regions, the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, that crossed the border into Niger and carried out the attack that killed the four Green Berets.

“While the roots of terrorism are complex,” observed Hartung, “it is fair to say that the larger U.S. military presence has, at a minimum, served as a recruiting tool for the growing number of terrorist groups operating in West Africa.”

With the French military trapped in what appears to be an interminable counterinsurgency campaign in Mali, the U.S. has increasingly stepped up its presence in neighboring Niger, even in the wake of the recent ambush. “U.S. troops continue carrying out a variety of operations in Niger, including continued advise and assist missions,” says Defense Department spokesperson Lt. Col. Michelle Baldanza.

Some modern developing economies that are debt-trapped by Chinese loans are finding it hard to pay up:

By Brahma Chellaney

If there is one thing at which China’s leaders truly excel, it is the use of economic tools to advance their country’s geostrategic interests. Through its $1 trillion “one belt, one road” initiative, China is supporting infrastructure projects in strategically located developing countries, often by extending huge loans to their governments. As a result, countries are becoming ensnared in a debt trap that leaves them vulnerable to China’s influence.

The view from above of the ambitious motorway system in Kenya

Of course, extending loans for infrastructure projects is not inherently bad. But the projects that China is supporting are often intended not to support the local economy, but to facilitate Chinese access to natural resources, or to open the market for low-cost and shoddy Chinese goods. In many cases, China even sends its own construction workers, minimizing the number of local jobs that are created.

Several of the projects that have been completed are now bleeding money. For example, Sri Lanka’s Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, which opened in 2013 near Hambantota, has been dubbed the world’s emptiest. Likewise, Hambantota’s Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port remains largely idle, as does the multibillion-dollar Gwadar port in Pakistan. For China, however, these projects are operating exactly as needed: Chinese attack submarines have twice docked at Sri Lankan ports, and two Chinese warships were recently pressed into service for Gwadar port security.

In a sense, it is even better for China that the projects don’t do well. After all, the heavier the debt burden on smaller countries, the greater China’s own leverage becomes. Already, China has used its clout to push Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand to block a united ASEAN stand against China’s aggressive pursuit of its territorial claims in the South China Sea.

Moreover, some countries, overwhelmed by their debts to China, are being forced to sell to it stakes in Chinese-financed projects or hand over their management to Chinese state-owned firms. In financially risky countries, China now demands majority ownership up front. For example, China clinched a deal with Nepal this month to build another largely Chinese-owned dam there, with its state-run China Three Gorges Corporation taking a 75% stake.

As if that were not enough, China is taking steps to ensure that countries will not be able to escape their debts. In exchange for rescheduling repayment, China is requiring countries to award it contracts for additional projects, thereby making their debt crises interminable. Last October, China canceled $90 million of Cambodia’s debt, only to secure major new contracts.

Some developing economies are regretting their decision to accept Chinese loans. Protests have erupted over widespread joblessness, purportedly caused by Chinese dumping of goods, which is killing off local manufacturing, and exacerbated by China’s import of workers for its own projects.

New governments in several countries, from Nigeria to Sri Lanka, have ordered investigations into alleged Chinese bribery of the previous leadership. Last month, China’s acting ambassador to Pakistan, Zhao Lijian, was involved in a Twitter spat with Pakistani journalists over accusations of project-related corruption and the use of Chinese convicts as laborers in Pakistan (not a new practice for China). Zhao described the accusations as “nonsense.”

In retrospect, China’s designs might seem obvious. But the decision by many developing countries to accept Chinese loans was, in many ways, understandable. Neglected by institutional investors, they had major unmet infrastructure needs. So when China showed up, promising benevolent investment and easy credit, they were all in. It became clear only later that China’s real objectives were commercial penetration and strategic leverage; by then, it was too late, and countries were trapped in a vicious cycle.

Sri Lanka is Exhibit A. Though small, the country is strategically located between China’s eastern ports and the Mediterranean. Chinese President Xi Jinping has called it vital to the completion of the maritime Silk Road.

China began investing heavily in Sri Lanka during the quasi-autocratic nine-year rule of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and China shielded Rajapaksa at the United Nations from allegations of war crimes. China quickly became Sri Lanka’s leading investor and lender, and its second-largest trading partner, giving it substantial diplomatic leverage.

It was smooth sailing for China, until Rajapaksa was unexpectedly defeated in the early 2015 election by Maithripala Sirisena, who had campaigned on the promise to extricate Sri Lanka from the Chinese debt trap. True to his word, he suspended work on major Chinese projects.

But it was too late: Sri Lanka’s government was already on the brink of default. So, as a Chinese state mouthpiece crowed, Sri Lanka had no choice but “to turn around and embrace China again.” Sirisena, in need of more time to repay old loans, as well as fresh credit, acquiesced to a series of Chinese demands, restarting suspended initiatives, like the $1.4 billion Colombo Port City, and awarding China new projects.

Sirisena also recently agreed to sell an 80% stake in the Hambantota port to China for about $1.1 billion. According to China’s ambassador to Sri Lanka, Yi Xianliang, the sale of stakes in other projects is also under discussion, in order to help Sri Lanka “solve its finance problems.” Now, Rajapaksa is accusing Sirisena of granting China undue concessions.

By integrating its foreign, economic, and security policies, China is advancing its goal of fashioning a hegemonic sphere of trade, communication, transportation, and security links. If states are saddled with onerous levels of debt as a result, their financial woes only aid China’s neocolonial designs. Countries that are not yet ensnared in China’s debt trap should take note – and take whatever steps they can to avoid it.

Writer is a Professor of Strategic Studies at the New Delhi-based Center for Policy Research and Fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin, is the author of nine books, including Asian Juggernaut, Water: Asia’s New Battleground, and Water, Peace, and War: Confronting the Global Water Crisis.

The African country of Namibia is demanding $30 billion dollars for colonial era German genocide during 1884-1915

By The Independent

March 18, 2017